On Post-Liberalism - Part II

What can be rescued and rebuilt from the past following the assault of double-barrelled liberalism?

Having lost the economic argument in 1989 with the pulling down of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and having suffered the stagnation and economic misery of the 1970s, the modern left-wing adopted a version of Thatcher’s and Reagan’s market liberalism. Indeed at the time, it seemed to be the only economic model that had any legitimacy left.

With its adoption, we saw the introduction of China into the WTO and the final passage of NAFTA under Bill Clinton, and Blair championing the EU single market and even arguing for the adoption of the Euro.

In the UK, social liberalism swept the country and even in the US it made significant advances like Clinton’s Proclamation 7203, which introduced Gay and Lesbian Pride Month.

John Major ended polytechnics removing the distinction - or the barrier - between academic universities and education and technical universities and education, and Blair liberalised everything else; from the immigration system, to how universities are funded.

With the system for funding higher education changed from state funding to student loans, the barrier to entry that was good grades was - for all intents and purposes - abolished (some universities have acceptance rates as high as 97.6%), instead replaced with one’s ability to pay - the cost of which the government, through its proxies in the banks, was willing to lend anyone, and even pick up the tab if one became unable to pay it back (which happens about 83% of the time).

Barriers to entry in the form of the ability to pass entrance exams for selective grammar schools had the final nails hammered into their coffin under Blair - although it was a process that had started well before him with Harold Wilson - and, despite the evident failure of the comprehensive school experiment in the 90s - one which I was unfortunate enough to suffer an education through - nothing was done to reverse it.

The barrier that is our national border was all but erased under Blair, and New Labour threw open the gates to mass immigration letting in unprecedented numbers of people to “rub the Right’s nose in diversity”, according to former government advisor Andrew Neather.

By the time Blair was done, he’d even completely liberalised the Tory Party! There was no social conservatism to be found in David Cameron’s Conservative Party, as evidenced by the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. And we’ve gone so far that now - in the year 2022 - many on the Left, and even some Tories, are happy to see the barrier removed between what it means to be a man or a woman.

Some people have noticed that this double-barrelled liberalism, from both the Left and Right, hasn’t necessarily made life better. They’ve noticed that barriers and load-bearing walls are often the same things; and when you remove a load-bearing wall, cracks begin appearing in the ceiling that is our society, that is our civilisation.

The over-expansion of university education has led to a mountain of debt most of which will have to be paid by the taxpayer; to elite overproduction and a simultaneously over-educated but poorly-educated, over-opinionated but lacking-in-wisdom, unimpressive and resentful generation obsessed with puritanical virtue signalling and vapid activism; and to a phenomenon called degree inflation (or credentialism), which is defined as the “inflation of the minimum credentials required for a given job and the simultaneous devaluation of the value of diplomas and degrees.”

People have noticed that the astronomical amount of immigration in recent years has added to the strain on our public services; has contributed to rapid inflation of house prices as demand has outstripped supply; has contributed to the suppression of wages in predominantly working-class jobs, and potentially contributed to a decrease in on-the-job training as it’s cheaper and easier to fill jobs from abroad with people who have already received the training.

It’s also been noticed that the character of many of our towns and cities is changing; the religions observed within them, the languages spoken within them, the foods sold within them, the clothes worn within them, and just the general vibe and atmosphere when one visits them. They no longer feel familiar to the vast majority of Britons. In some places the only accurate way of describing what’s happened is ghettoisation.

None of this is to say there shouldn’t be diversity in our towns and cities, I firmly believe that some level of diversity is a good thing; it’s to ask, what’s the limiting principle?

The decline of community in the UK has also been noticed. As the economy has become more knowledge-based and credentialised, as people have left home for education and work, as strangers from faraway places have moved into houses that once contained friends and familiar faces, people have been left feeling evermore alienated, ever more alone. It was recently found that in Britain one in ten people don’t even know their neighbour’s name, and in London, that increases to one in eight, and nine out of ten Londoners couldn’t identify all their neighbours in a police lineup!

Last year Onwards reported the “proportion of under-35s saying they have just one or no close friends has trebled in 10 years, from 7% to 22% while the share with four or more has fallen from 64% to 40%.” And that people “under the age of 25 are three times more likely (48%) than people over the age of 65 years old (15%) to distrust their neighbours.”

And, despite the fact politicians have been talking about it since at least the financial crisis, people have noticed we’re still living in an hourglass economy, and people are still being forced to work multiple jobs in order to make ends meet. For the majority of people, gone are the days when a single salary could support a family. Research has found that this year a third of workers have looked for a second job to deal with the rising cost of living and that the majority (77%) of workers would work overtime or extra shifts to earn more money if the opportunity were available to them.

Post-liberalism is really a discussion about what we want society to look like, how we want it to function, and what are the appropriate barriers that will enable us to have that society. It’s a look back over the past and an acknowledgement that some things were better before. So it asks the question, what can be rescued and rebuilt from the past following the assault of double-barrelled liberalism? What shouldn’t liberalisms have torn down?

It’s an acknowledgement that the promises of the liberal utopia haven’t emerged and that material prosperity in the form of iPhones and other widgets isn’t enough to sustain the human spirit. It’s an acknowledgement that perhaps the modern liberal shibboleths have some serious downsides.

Is diversity only a strength? Is free trade and globalisation only beneficial? Are we sure that leaving mass communication in the hands of the market is a good idea? Is sending everyone to university really the best thing for them or society? Does everyone really need exactly the same type of comprehensive school education? Do we want a society where both parents have to work full-time to provide for their children? Is it really ok that so many children are now being raised by one parent? Is an economy based on financial services really good for everyone? Is it beneficial that manufacturing jobs have declined so substantially? Does it really not matter where things are made? Is it really better for everyone to switch professions multiple times throughout their life, rather than having a stable career for 30 years and retiring comfortably at the end of it with a gold watch? Is it desirable that children should have to move away from their hometowns to pursue an education and career? Are we happy with the bland, non-specific and uninspiring architecture that’s swallowing our cities and towns?

The biggest problem post-liberalism has though, is it’s not really a movement. It’s a loose-knit group of people - largely online - who have all noticed the excesses of liberalism, and are asking a fairly similar set of questions. Many of the people identified with the movement, or who are proving to be thought leaders in areas with which post-liberalism is concerned, may not even identify themselves as explicitly “post-liberal”. And there’s certainly no substantial body of work on post-liberalism, no equivalent of On Liberty or Two Treatises of Government or The Road to Serfdom.

On the economic front, there’s been little impressive work; more wish lists put forward than road maps describing how to get there. However, some good work has been done by the likes of Oren Cass at American Compass and by the Conservative MP Danny Kruger et al. at The New Social Covenant Unit.

It would be remiss of me not to point out that the SDP also has some good ideas on this front.

Post-liberalism also seems to have an aesthetic component; people nostalgic for the beauty of a tweedy Britain, a Britain of red post boxes and phone booths, of Tudor thatched cottages and neo-gothic grandeur hewn from Bath stone, for Victorian terraces and cobbled streets to Georgian terraces of yellow brick. It’s about creating an environment that’s beautiful and specific, that you could drop someone in and they’d know just by looking around them that this is England.

Again, there are not many people doing work on this, although there’s lots of chatter about it on the internet - but there’s lots of chatter about everything on the internet - entire Twitter pages and Instagram accounts are dedicated to it, and Ed West has written some very good articles; but the people doing the best work on it are a small group called Create Streets, which advocates for “gentle density places which residents and neighbours can love”.

Most of all, post-liberalism seems to be about defining something that is us, as communities, as a people, as a nation, as a body politic, as a culture, and as a civilisation (which is ironic given that post-liberalism is itself so poorly defined). It’s a rejection of the dogmatic focus on the individual and ever-expanding freedoms because we seem to have reached the point at which some liberals seem to be trying to free themselves from reality - sometimes to comic effect. It’s about social and cultural particularism and trying to insert some surety into a world of liberal moral and cultural relativism.

What post-liberalism cannot afford to do - something that all online ‘movements’ that aren’t overtly left-wing are in danger of - is be swallowed wholesale into a world of edgy online sh**posting, to become a synonym for quasi-fascist as alt-right did. It can’t become crude or racist, tied to supercilious internet provocateurs, thoughtless reactionaries, or cantankerous contrarians.

I think the quote that best sums up the ethos of post-liberalism comes from the great C. S. Lewis:

“We all want progress. But progress means getting nearer to the place where you want to be. And if you have taken a wrong turning, then to go forward does not get you any nearer. If you are on the wrong road, progress means doing an about turn and walking back to the right road; and in that case the man who turns back soonest is the most progressive man.”

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On Post-Liberalism - Part I