Covidianism and the frightened crowd (Part II)

This is something worth considering when we assess Covidianism; it is grounded on organised, government-led credentialism and scientism.

This is the second part of a series of articles by Alexander Adams about COVID-19 and the behaviour of crowds in the modern era. Read the first part here.

In the first part we looked at how the psychology of crowds differs from that of individual persons. We saw that behavioural scientists are directed by politicians to control and direct crowds, in relation to COVID-19-instigated authoritarian power. Both politicians and senior civil servants and scientists work below a supra-elite that is superior in power, reach and understanding to them. Generally, the elected politician (a figure of uncertain position, little direct power and limited understanding) is interchangeable with any other politician, within his party or within in any other established party. The nature of the elite class – and how power is apportioned between the supra-elite (NGOs, international organisations, billionaires, multi-national corporations, directors of social media firms) and the elite (top-level politicians, senior civil servants, owners of legacy media outlets) – is impossible to determine and is not relevant to this discussion.

In 1951, Eric Hoffer described how crowds are directed in mass movements. His book The True Believer (1951) is a classic study of how leaders use mass movements. He opens his book thus: “All mass movements generate in their adherents a readiness to die and a proclivity for united actions; all of them, irrespective of the doctrine they preach and the program they project, breed fanaticism, enthusiasm, fervent hope, hatred and intolerance, all of them are capable of releasing a powerful flow of activity in certain departments of life; all of the demand blind faith and singlehearted allegiance.” (Eric Hoffer, The True Believer, Harper Perennial, 2010 (1951), p. xi). At first sight this seems to be describing the German Nazi movement, something that Hoffer does directly reference. However, Hoffer notes commonalities among modern mass movements, which generate fervour of a religious, political, ethnic and nationalistic type. “There is a certain uniformity in all types of dedication, of faith, of pursuit of power, of unity and of self-sacrifice. There are vast differences in the contents of holy causes and doctrines, but a certain uniformity in the factors that make them effective.” (Op. cit., p. xii).

This is something worth considering when we assess Covidianism – the mass movement that supports (and enforces) overweening authoritarianism as a response to the purported threat of COVID-19; it is grounded on organised, government-led credentialism and scientism.

Hoffer writes, “When people are ripe for a mass movement, they are usually ripe for any effective movement, and not solely for one with a particular doctrine or program.” (Op. cit. p. 16). That seems to apply to the disaffected, over-educated masses, whose future looks insecure. They would just as soon turn to the violent anti-capitalism of Antifa, the looting and iconoclasm of Black Lives Matter or the self-regarding self-abnegation of eco-activist protest. Covidianism is an adjunct to these movements of revolutionary vanity, but it is more popular and populist because it is the most socially acceptable movement, the one that seems solely benign. (Hoffer: “[…] all mass movements are interchangeable. One mass movement readily transforms itself into another.” (Op. cit. p. 17). He later notes that mass movements are combinations of single-issue movements that swell and blend.)

Hoffer notes that what invigorates the individual is the sense he is part of a mass that is not just a numerical crowd but an irresistible force for change. A Covidian sees the government locking people in their homes, closing businesses, shutting airports and suspending the rules that apply to confidentiality and everyday life without concerted resistance. Is it any wonder that Covidians feel part of a force that can (and has) swept away any doubt and opposition? The Covidians are bound together to “do their bit” by downloading apps which track their every movement, publicly discussing their medical status (even sporting badges), wearing masks as signs and volunteering to not just assist but spread a message of fear and wariness. “The vanity of the selfless,” writes Hoffer, “even those who practice utmost humility, is boundless.” (Op. cit. p. 15). The organised demonstration of gratitude to the NHS – the weekly public applause – was a demonstration of their loyalty and a means of identifying dissenters. When we consider these elements, we can see how comforting being part of this mass movement is and how intimidating it is to speak out.

Every movement also needs to identify and punish the out-group, carefully selected, readily identifiable and lacking strength. The Covidian movement has not yet inspired murder but its leading public figures denounce opponents in hateful terms as spreaders of disease and wilful misinformation. They should lose jobs and housing, custody of children, even be forced into camps. In the American public mind, dissenters are allied to shadowy forces of insurrection and race hatred. They are cranks, conspiracy theorists and heedless contrarians who can be dismissed without thought. They are opponents of common sense, the community, compassion and Science. They make people sick through deliberate selfishness.

Covidianism has many of the trappings of both a mass movement and a religion. The sacrament is the mRNA treatment (sometimes administered in church halls and even cathedrals); the holy symbol and sign of allegiance is the mask (which also serves as a persistent reminder and sign of subjugation); the high clerics are public-health ministers and chosen scientists; it has its foundation mythos and its nominated opponents. Doctrine changes come without explanation or data and are followed by the credulous masses, made pliant through fear propaganda.

Although I would not want to draw too much from The True Believer, it does contain insights into the psychology of mass movements, of which Covidianism is one. In the final part we shall look at ways of resisting this movement. (The final, third part shall be out on Saturday.)

Alexander Adams

Alexander Adams is an artist and critic. Alongside Bournbrook Magazine, he is a regular contributor to The JackdawThe Critic and The Salisbury Review.

Previous
Previous

Deprogramming Covidian mass psychosis (Part III)

Next
Next

Defiant Djokovic faces deportation from Australia